Archive for the ‘COP 15’ category

Climategate was a PR disaster, but didn’t change the facts

May 7th, 2010

You know when you hear the “gate” suffix, somebody’s in deep.

So it was when the suspiciously timed “climategate” made headlines in November of last year, just ahead of the U.N. climate conference in Copenhagen.

As a refresher, Climategate had two main features: the first was the discovery that the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Fourth Assessment Report (2007) included specious claims that certain Himalayan glaciers were receding. The second, more famous component concerned e-mails that were stolen from climatologists at East Anglia University.

A panel of climate law specialists at The University of Texas recently looked at both issues during a colloquium, and the consensus was that — as bad as both had been for the reputation of science itself, nothing has changed about the fundamentals of climate change: It’s real, we’re causing it, and we ought to be scared.

That the flawed Himalayan study came to light was seen as proof that the IPCC system is transparent and therefore works. To a panelist, the IPCC was seen as the victim of its own success. The IPCC, which is 22 years old and is now working on its fifth assessment, states that its work is “policy-relevant and yet policy-neutral, never policy-prescriptive.” The only criticism the panel came in for was that it was, if anything, too conservative, being a group that only proceeded after consensus.

The issues surrounding the stolen e-mail threads are both more controversial and more complicated. While the e-mails — which unadvisedly used the terms “trick” and “hide the decline” — have found few defenders and even were called “awful” by one of their authors, the panelists seemed amazed that large segments of the public now believe that climate change policy could be driven by a shadowy cabal, let alone that it is.

The British House of Commons conducted an extensive investigation and hearing and concluded at the end of March that “the scientific reputation of Professor (Phil) Jones (the unit’s director) and CRU remains intact” and that the e-mails and claims raised in the controversy did not challenge the scientific consensus that “global warming is happening and that it is induced by human activity.” Also, the House’s committee had found no evidence that Jones had tampered with data or interfered with the peer-review process.

The biggest criticism the scientists took from the House of Commons investigation was for perpetuating a culture of hoarding data. The whole reason for the e-mail exchange was a demand by a climate skeptic that he be given the Climate Research Unit’s raw data. The question of who should control data is one few lay people give much thought to.

Camille Parmesan, on faculty in The University of Texas Section of Integrative Biology, as a rule gives the nod to the researcher who gathered the data in the first place. While the right of others to examine data is basic to the scientific method, others do not, she said, have the right to the raw data. That data, which is usually gathered at a huge expense to the original researchers’ time and energy, can be the basis for multiple publications and therefore lay a career path.

Making all of the raw data instantly available to anyone who wants it means that the original gatherer of the data could be scooped, her future work preempted by other scientists. The effect of this, says Parmesan, clearly would be to disincent researchers from gathering data in the first place. The loser would be science itself.

That said, Parmesan added that there’s a continuum of sharing everything, sharing something, and sharing nothing, and that the British scientific community long has been at the extreme of data secrecy.

Climate change skeptics were giddy at the release of the East Anglia e-mails, and columnists hailed the scandal as the “final nail in the coffin” for this laughable movement that claimed humans were changing Earth’s atmosphere.

As for scientists and advocates of change like us, never have more people hoped and wished that their own conclusions were wrong.

Is the future of climate change policy global or local? Yes.

May 4th, 2010

by Avrel Seale

It’s tempting to say that progress on carbon regulation is “glacial,” but considering how fast many glaciers are melting, that cliché doesn’t even work any more.

Last December’s U.N. climate change conference in Copenhagen might have been doomed early by the hype. But whatever the reason, the underwhelming results have many of those who care about the issue wondering if these huge annual meetings with their draft declarations and street-theater protests are really the way to a solution.

Recently, panelists at the “Climate Change Law and Policy after Copenhagen” colloquium at The University of Texas made the cases for and against the continued emphasis on a United Nations approach.

David Hunter of the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (the event’s cosponsor) argued that, though the Copenhagen Accord was but 12 paragraphs (long, dense paragraphs, it should be noted), and although it remains nonbinding or, in the oxymoron of the day, “soft law,” it was still measurable, reportable, and therefore valuable. Hunter especially called out progress on REDD and said that line of negotiation should be resurrected in Cancún.

But even Hunter, a fan of the U.N. framework, admits that Copenhagen at times felt like little more than “dueling press releases.” “The U.N. process took it on the chin a little,” he said.

Josh Busby of The University of Texas’ LBJ School of Public Affairs wasn’t as charitable. He called Copenhagen “a moment that freed us” from the U.N. framework. Busby said that he would be happy to see “the spectacle” of a 40,000-participant meeting “wither on the vine,” and made the case for smaller meetings with more flexible instruments. This is already happening, he noted, with meetings such as the G20 and the Major Economies Forum putting carbon on their agendas. Green Detectives Valerie Davis and Kevin Tuerff attest that there were nowhere near 40,000 participants in Bali or Poznan, and they don’t expect to see those numbers in Cancún either.

Hunter pushed back, saying that if we lost UNFCCC, and moved to negotiations with only the biggest actors at the table, “we’ll lose the moral authority of the island nations,” i.e. the small countries that will be first to succumb to the effects of climate change when a rising ocean swallows them up. (In related news, an island in the Bay of Bengal that had been disputed territory for years by India and Bangladesh is now completely underwater. Ten other islands in the area are on the verge, and officials estimate that if sea levels rise one meter by 2050, as projected by some climate models, 18 percent of Bangladesh’s coastal area will be submerged, displacing 20 million people.)

While David Hunter argues that the U.N. conferences create momentum for top-down change, he admits that the complexity of the issue is dumbfounding. The whole UNFCCC idea was modeled on the Montreal Protocol, the 1987 international treaty to protect the ozone layer. It successfully phased out CFCs. But replicating that success with something as basic as carbon dioxide, which affects every economy and therefore every person on earth, is different than dealing with a compound in aerosol sprays. Some have concluded it’s just too complicated for a Montreal-style process.

While the international process might seem like it’s all-or-nothing, there’s plenty that can be done and is being done at the national and sub-national levels, efforts like the European cap-and-trade system, the Western Climate Initiative in the American West, individual state efforts, and programs to reduce our carbon footprint city by city and house by house. It all, irrefutably, adds up.

The carbon-regulation debate on Capitol Hill seems to be a contest of who has the lowest expectations. It’s a soap opera that changes by the hour, with this issue, like most others, regularly held hostage by utterly unrelated issues. In the latest episode, a hopeful collaboration between senators Graham, Kerry, and Lieberman began to unravel last week when Graham, the lone Republican, withdrew his support, purportedly over pending congressional action on immigration, another issue on which he is likely to be a party outlier.

In the absence of congressional action, there is still the executive branch, and on April 1, the EPA and the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) announced a new national program that will reduce greenhouse gas emissions and improve fuel economy for new cars and trucks sold in the United States from 2012 through 2016. EPA finalized the first-ever national greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions standards under the Clean Air Act, and NHTSA finalized Corporate Average Fuel Economy (CAFE) standards under the Energy Policy and Conservation Act.

The urgency of the situation forces us to think beyond geography and, of course, beyond regulation, too. Lee Scott, longtime CEO and now chairman of Wal-Mart, has been credited with sparking a cultural revolution at the retail juggernaut that resulted most recently in a voluntary commitment to slash 20 million metric tons of carbon emissions from its global supply chain by the end of 2015. When you’re talking about Wal-Mart, which is a de facto national economy unto itself, that voluntary goal surely has a greater impact than the regulatory triumphs of many smaller nations combined.

So should climate change be addressed from the top down, as with the U.N., or from the bottom up? The answer is, if climate change is as dire as scientists say, we’d be both crazy and criminally negligent not to attack it from both directions. We don’t have time for either/or arguments. Climate change action must be both/and. And we’ll need a little luck, even at that.

Last Call For Stronger Emissions Targets. Pretty Please?

December 23rd, 2009

As we arrived in Copenhagen December 9, something called a “Copenhagen Accord” was only a glint in the eye of climate negotiators representing more than 190 countries at COP15. Considered disappointing and vague, this Accord is better than “a total collapse” of negotiations many feared on the last day of the two-week conference. Actually, COP15 spilled an extra day into Saturday, December 19, with a still-unprecedented outcome and 115 bleary-eyed heads of state heading home. The point of the Green Detectives blog is to demystify key elements central to climate talks, and the Copenhagen Accord is now one of them. So here you go.

The Copenhagen Accord is a three-page document that:

  • Gives a January 31, 2010, deadline to developed countries like the US to commit to 2020 emissions reduction targets. It gives the same deadline to developing countries to outline their “mitigation” actions. Mitigation basically refers to tactics, such as preventing deforestation, which reduce carbon emissions. President Obama has already committed the US to a 17% reduction by 2020. We heard many countries were strongly disappointed he didn’t bring something new to the table during his Friday morning Copenhagen speech. Could the US have more robust emissions targets if a Senate climate bill should pass before January 31? See blog below for Kevin’s outlook on 2010.
  • Establishes a Copenhagen Green Climate Fund of $30 billion for 2010-2020 for adaptation and mitigation funds to developing countries from developed countries, and $100 billion per year by 2020. You can brush up on Adaptation and Climate Finance by watching our Green Detectives Decoder Videos.
  • Acknowledges REDD and Technology Transfer as viable mitigation tactics. You can also watch our videos on these two topics.
  • Cites the need to prevent a 2C rise in global temperatures and calls for an assessment of the implementation of the Accord in 2015, when negotiators could consider strengthening the long-term goal of preventing a 1.5C rise in temperatures.
  • Does not call for a legally binding agreement in 2010. This fell off the table in the 11th hour of COP15 and was a huge disappointment to many, especially countries like Tuvalu that are most vulnerable to the effects of climate change.
  • Is “noted by” but not an official agreement of the COP.
  • Has been called a huge disappointment but does not mean more solid direction and traction will not be found by negotiators before the the end of the next COP meeting, slated for Mexico City in December 2010.
  • Is available for you to read for yourself on the UNFCCC Web site.

Thank You, Copenhagen

December 20th, 2009

bellactr-closedAfter two weeks (and the final 31-hour session) of negotiations, the UN climate conference in Copenhagen is finally closed. The Copenhagen Accord will be remembered as the starting point for final negotiations that may lead to a global treaty in Mexico in 2010. The EnviroMedia team bids farewell to Copenhagen with many memories.

Keep following GreenDetectives.net for our final comments on the COP 15 experience, plus continuing discussion of the complexities of climate change.

Anticlima(c)tic?

December 19th, 2009

Two weeks. Five pages. Is this what the world had hoped for? Is it enough to prevent the 2C rise in global temps? Read the “Copenhagen Accord,” as posted on the UNFCCC Web site. It may not be the final document but you can get an idea of where final negotiations were headed today. Key pieces are consistent with feedback (revisiting items in January 2010) I received by an NGO whose husband had been inside Bella Center for 36 hours and arrived back to the hotel for some much-needed rest in early afternoon.

The Bosses Away, But Work Continues at COP15 Without Sleep

December 19th, 2009
US Climate negotiators Jonathan Pershing and Todd Stern on the extra day at COP 15.

US Climate negotiators Jonathan Pershing and Todd Stern on the extra day at COP 15.

When Barack Obama and other world leaders left Copenhagen last night, most believed the Copenhagen Accord would be passed within hours. It didn’t.

It’s almost tradition that the conference continues into an extra day. But this time, the wheels almost fell off the bus.

Hours of additional speeches went into the night, included heated discussions and emotional debate. Developing nations suggested the final COP 15 agreement was so weak, it wasn’t worth passing.

In the morning, there were several proposals to amend the final document to put some teeth back into the agreement. Although many countries agrees that each country should go home and adopt their own laws in 2010 consistent with the Copenhagen Accord, which would make having a global treaty a lot easier than the Kyoto Treaty. But now that language is gone, even though the US was okay with it.

UN Secretary General

UN Secretary General Ban ki-Moon

With the 190 countries split on some of the final amendments, UN Secretary General Ban ki-Moon was summoned to the plenary to give the remaining sleepless negotiators a pep talk. He said, “We have taken a significant step. The agreement will not satisfy all. But I believe that through this adoption of Copenhagen Accord, you will be able to get everything you need. This is a significant deal. You have agreed to all the four of the benchmarks for success. We must turn this into a legally binding treaty next year. We know this will not be easy. The road ahead is still very long. Climate change remains the defining challenge of our time. It is a journey we must make together.”

It’s Noon in Copenhagen, and rambling speeches continue.

What’s In An “Accord”?

December 18th, 2009

With minutes and not hours or days left for COP15 (which was supposed to conclude today), a “Copenhagen Accord” has surfaced. A major feature is that it removes the deadline of 2010 for a legally binding agreement. However, according to a draft published by The Washington Post, the Copenhagen Accord would call for a reassessment by 2016 for “strengthening the long term goal to limit the increase of long term global average temperature to 1.5 degrees.” Scientist have called to prevent a 2 Celcius rise in temperatures.

But why an “Accord” versus a Protocol? Visit our Green Detectives timeline and UNFCCC and you’ll see when the rules for the Kyoto Protocol were adopted in 2001, they became known as the “Marrakesh Accords.” Backing up still further, the UNFCCC was established in Rio de Janeiro in 1992 to encourage the world to reduce GHGs. And the Kyoto Protocol was negotiated in 1997, committing ratifying countries to 5.2% GHG emissions reductions over 1990 levels. The US signed the Kyoto Protocol but the Senate never ratified it. Now, fast forward to Copenhagen. US signs an accord? And what will be the specifics of what is expected to be a very slim agreement document? The US House passed climate legislation in June this year, but what will the Senate do with it’s climate bill? Deja-vu?

Obama at COP15: No transparency “doesn’t make sense”

December 18th, 2009

obamaOverview

At roughly 5:40 a.m. CST time, President Obama told climate negotiators at the Plenary Session, “I don’t know how you have an international agreement without sharing information. That doesn’t make sense.” Obama followed Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao’s address, and both the US and China seemed to say the same thing — we’ve got our act together, why doesn’t everybody else? Obama talked about America’s investment in a green economy, our renewed leadership in climate negotiations, and our collective $100 billion investment with other major economies in climate finance for poor countries. He said our move to a clean energy economy helps national security by reducing our dependence on foreign oil, that negotiators need to move from posturing to action, and that no country will get everything it wants: “There are those developing countries that want aid with no strings attached, and who think that the most advanced nations should pay a higher price. And there are those advanced nations who think that developing countries cannot absorb this assistance, or that the world’s fastest-growing emitters should bear a greater share of the burden.” It was roughly a 10 minute speech without once mentioning the word Kyoto — a big contingency point between rich and poor countries these past two weeks in Copenhagen. “We’re ready to get this done today but there has to be movement on all sides,” he said.

 

Transcript: Kevin just received full remarks from the State Department and they are pasted below:

Remarks of President Barack Obama—As Prepared for Delivery
Copenhagen Summit
Copenhagen, Denmark
December 18, 2009

Good morning. It’s an honor to for me to join this distinguished group of leaders from nations around the world. We come together here in Copenhagen because climate change poses a grave and growing danger to our people. You would not be here unless you – like me – were convinced that this danger is real. This is not fiction, this is science. Unchecked, climate change will pose unacceptable risks to our security, our economies, and our planet. That much we know.

So the question before us is no longer the nature of the challenge – the question is our capacity to meet it. For while the reality of climate change is not in doubt, our ability to take collective action hangs in the balance.

I believe that we can act boldly, and decisively, in the face of this common threat. And that is why I have come here today.

As the world’s largest economy and the world’s second largest emitter, America bears our share of responsibility in addressing climate change, and we intend to meet that responsibility. That is why we have renewed our leadership within international climate negotiations, and worked with other nations to phase out fossil fuel subsidies. And that is why we have taken bold action at home – by making historic investments in renewable energy; by putting our people to work increasing efficiency in our homes and buildings; and by pursuing comprehensive legislation to transform to a clean energy economy.

These actions are ambitious, and we are taking them not simply to meet our global responsibilities. We are convinced that changing the way that we produce and use energy is essential to America’s economic future – that it will create millions of new jobs, power new industry, keep us competitive, and spark new innovation. And we are convinced that changing the way we use energy is essential to America’s national security, because it will reduce our dependence on foreign oil, and help us deal with some of the dangers posed by climate change.

So America is going to continue on this course of action no matter what happens in Copenhagen. But we will all be stronger and safer and more secure if we act together. That is why it is in our mutual interest to achieve a global accord in which we agree to take certain steps, and to hold each other accountable for our commitments.

After months of talk, and two weeks of negotiations, I believe that the pieces of that accord are now clear.

First, all major economies must put forward decisive national actions that will reduce their emissions, and begin to turn the corner on climate change. I’m pleased that many of us have already done so, and I’m confident that America will fulfill the commitments that we have made: cutting our emissions in the range of 17 percent by 2020, and by more than 80 percent by 2050 in line with final legislation.

Second, we must have a mechanism to review whether we are keeping our commitments, and to exchange this information in a transparent manner. These measures need not be intrusive, or infringe upon sovereignty. They must, however, ensure that an accord is credible, and that we are living up to our obligations. For without such accountability, any agreement would be empty words on a page.

Third, we must have financing that helps developing countries adapt, particularly the least-developed and most vulnerable to climate change. America will be a part of fast-start funding that will ramp up to $10 billion in 2012. And, yesterday, Secretary Clinton made it clear that we will engage in a global effort to mobilize $100 billion in financing by 2020, if – and only if – it is part of the broader accord that I have just described.

Mitigation. Transparency. And financing. It is a clear formula – one that embraces the principle of common but differentiated responses and respective capabilities. And it adds up to a significant accord – one that takes us farther than we have ever gone before as an international community.

The question is whether we will move forward together, or split apart. This is not a perfect agreement, and no country would get everything that it wants. There are those developing countries that want aid with no strings attached, and who think that the most advanced nations should pay a higher price. And there are those advanced nations who think that developing countries cannot absorb this assistance, or that the world’s fastest-growing emitters should bear a greater share of the burden.

We know the fault lines because we’ve been imprisoned by them for years. But here is the bottom line: we can embrace this accord, take a substantial step forward, and continue to refine it and build upon its foundation. We can do that, and everyone who is in this room will be a part of an historic endeavor – one that makes life better for our children and grandchildren.

Or we can again choose delay, falling back into the same divisions that have stood in the way of action for years. And we will be back having the same stale arguments month after month, year after year – all while the danger of climate change grows until it is irreversible.

There is no time to waste. America has made our choice. We have charted our course, we have made our commitments, and we will do what we say. Now, I believe that it’s time for the nations and people of the world to come together behind a common purpose.

We must choose action over inaction; the future over the past – with courage and faith, let us meet our responsibility to our people, and to the future of our planet. Thank you.

Did Copenhagen Live Up to Expectations?

December 18th, 2009

Picture 3Below is a column I wrote for EnvironmentalLeader.com, published today.

(COPENHAGEN) In November, I responded to a GlobeScan survey of 770 climate change experts. It was fielded right before the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP15) to gauge the expectations of NGOs, research organizations, businesses and governments in 104 countries.

The results were just published, and I found it enlightening to compare them to my experiences here in Copenhagen, where I served as a delegate for the U.S. Business Council for Sustainable Development. This is what I found:

Europe was expected to lead

In November, fully 80 percent of the respondents expected Europe would play the leadership role here at COP15 in setting ambitious targets to address climate change as quickly as possible.

As for the EU taking charge? Based on what I’ve seen, I’d give them a “B” so far. The dynamics are changing with all the heads of state here, and British Prime Minister Gordon Brown has been playing a key role, but initial mistrust of the developed world’s intentions have created a gap that is hard to bridge. COP 15 president Connie Hedegaard and UNFCCC executive secretary Yvo de Boer deserve a medal for managing protests and posturing, while exerting pressure on countries to find consensus.

The White House and US State Department deserve tremendous credit for mobilizing federal funding commitments and problem solving with the major economies.

We all saw the financial obstacles

For those who participated in the survey, only 16 percent believed an agreement on managing the money committed to helping the developing countries would come to fruition. While it’s looking like we might have all been right, I don’t think any of us expected the G77 to play hardball over such issues (hear the interview I got after the walkout with Obed Bapela, South Africa Member of Parliament.)

The mood of most everyone in Copenhagen was hopeful about prospects for implementing clean energy solutions to boost the world economy.

Of course, we thought the focus would be on the BRIC + Europe and America

Even the structure of the survey focused on what the Brazilians, Russians, Indians and Chinese (BRIC) would do, as compared to the U.S. and EU. Since the weekend, however, it has been the much larger bloc of traditionally under-considered players within the G77 who have been making the headlines. From the walkout, to protests and speeches, the rift between the “haves” and the “have nots” couldn’t be more clear.

Many (73 percent) wanted a comprehensive, ambitious agreement; few (8 percent) expected it

The survey showed most respondents (57 percent) were expecting COP15 to produce a political agreement in principle with negotiations for a legally binding agreement continuing into 2010. The expectation was that wouldn’t happen without strong alignment between China and the U.S. — ostensibly the two leaders of the developing vs. developed worlds.

Many will be disappointed with the outcome of COP 15, but the reality is great progress has been made by the Obama administration in less than one year, and there is great optimism about passage of legislation in the US, with another shot at a new UN global protocol in 2010, in Mexico.

HP Discusses COP 15 UN Climate Wall

December 17th, 2009